Published online by Cambridge University Press: An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided below. "[8], Anthony Smith notes that the instrumentalist account "came to prominence in the 1960s and 1970s in the United States, in the debate about (white) ethnic persistence in what was supposed to have been an effective melting pot". Academic explanations of ethnic conflict generally fall into one of three schools of thought: primordialist, instrumentalist or constructivist. Abstract views reflect the number of visits to the article landing page. Recently, several political scientists have argued for either top-down or bottom-up explanations for ethnic conflict. JSTOR is part of ITHAKA, a not-for-profit organization helping the academic community use digital technologies to preserve the scholarly record and to advance research and teaching in sustainable ways. of ethnic identity and the motives of ethnic mobilisation and conflict. The existence of such an actor helps to clarify beliefs about the behavior of others within an ethnic group. [52] Some scholars of ethnic conflict resolution claim that the practice of NTA will be employed dependent on the concentration and size of the ethnic group asking for group rights. Many scholars[14][39] maintain that since ethnic tension erupts into ethnic violence when the ethnic group is threatened by a state, then veto powers should allow the ethnic group to avoid legislative threats. [8] A constructivist master narrative is often a country level variable whereas we often have to study incidences of ethnic violence at the regional and local level. Odejide, Adebayo Olabisi Match. [38] Many have credited this compromise of a consociational government in Bosnia for the end of the violence and the following long-lasting peace.[38]. Check out using a credit card or bank account with. This is done in order not to weaken the center state such as in the case of ethnofederalism. John Coakley, for example, has developed a typology of the methods of conflict resolution that have been employed by states, which he lists as: indigenization, accommodation, assimilation, acculturation, population transfer, boundary alteration, genocide and ethnic suicide.

Conflict and Secessionism? With increasing interest in the field of ethnic conflict, many policy analysts and political scientists theorized potential resolutions and tracked the results of institutional policy implementation. Interactions between ethnic groups in formal settings can also help countries torn apart by ethnic violence to recover and break down ethnic divisions. [10], Whether ethnicity is a fixed perception or not is not crucial in the instrumentalist accounts. At the end of the Cold War, academics including Samuel P. Huntington and Robert D. Kaplan predicted a proliferation of conflicts fueled by civilisational clashes, Tribalism, resource scarcity and overpopulation. Moreover, the norm of proportional representation is dominant: each group is represented in the government in a percentage that reflects the ethnicity's demographic presence in the state. Many of these journals are the leading academic publications in their fields and together they form one of the most valuable and comprehensive bodies of research available today. [59] These organizations force ethnic groups to come together based on shared economic interests that overcomes any pre-existing ethnic differences. Full text views reflects the number of PDF downloads, PDFs sent to Google Drive, Dropbox and Kindle and HTML full text views.

Onuora-Oguno, Azubike [59] In cities, formal inter-ethnic associations like trade unions, business associations and professional organizations are more effective in encouraging inter-ethnic interactions that could prevent ethnic violence in the future. Ethnic cooperation takes place because co-ethnics have common social networks and therefore can monitor each other and can threaten to socially sanction any transgressors.[34]. Humphreys and Habyarimana argue that cooperation among co-ethnics is primarily driven by reciprocity norms that tend to be stronger among co-ethnics. [52][53] NTA was employed during the interwar period, and the League of Nations sought to add protection clauses for national minorities in new states. [42] Determining ethnic identities in advance and implementing a power sharing system on the basis of these fixed identities is inherently discriminatory against minority groups that might be not be recognized. Abdulraheem-Mustapha, Mariam Adepeju Over the long run, ethnic conflict over access to state benefits is likely to lead to the ethnification of political parties and the party system as a whole where the political salience of ethnic identity increase leading to a self-fulfilling equilibrium: If politicians only distribute benefits on an ethnic basis, voters will see themselves primarily belonging to an ethnic group and view politicians the same way. The GROW up data portal unites a number of datasets on ethnic groups and intrastate conflict from various sources in a single relational database. An ethnic conflict is a conflict between two or more contending ethnic groups.While the source of the conflict may be political, social, economic or religious, the individuals in conflict must expressly fight for their ethnic group's position within society.This final criterion differentiates ethnic conflict from other forms of struggle. [50][51][52] In contrast to federalism, the ethnic groups are not assigned a titular sub-state, but rather the ethnic groups are dispersed throughout the state unit. Ethnic conflicts are some of the major challenges facing the world, and Africa in particular, today. Nonetheless, Clarke critiques the weaknesses of NTA in areas such as education, a balance between society wide norms and intracommunity values; policing, for criminal matters and public safety; and political representation, which limits the political choices of an individual if based solely on ethnicity. However, ethnic violence occurs in sporadic outbursts. of ethnic identity and the motives of ethnic mobilisation and conflict. [9] This new theory sought explained persistence as the result of the actions of community leaders, "who used their cultural groups as sites of mass mobilization and as constituencies in their competition for power and resources, because they found them more effective than social classes". Identity cards were issued on this basis, and these documents played a key role in the genocide of 1994.[17]. [6] The self-determination of ethnic identities is more likely to be "non-discriminatory, neutral, flexible and self-adjusting". They will only vote for the politician belonging to the same ethnic group. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings. Groupings of two or more distinct nationalities on the basis of a shared or common cultural historical tradition. ahertz622. [18] Such research addresses empirical puzzles that are difficult to explain using primordialist, instrumentalist, or constructivist approaches alone. [50] NTA, alternatively known as non-cultural autonomy (NCA), is based on the difference of jus solis and jus sanguinis, the principles of territory versus that of personhood. Access supplemental materials and multimedia. 1998. [53], In Europe, most notably in Belgium, NTA laws have been enacted and created parallel institutions and political parties in the same country.

[27] Others have attempted to test the "clash of civilisations" thesis, finding it to be difficult to operationalise and that civilisational conflicts have not risen in intensity in relation to other ethnic conflicts since the end of the Cold War.[28][29].

The dependence of ethnic groups on their co-ethnic local politician for access to state resources is likely to make them more responsive to calls of violence against other ethnic groups. [59] The stronger the inter-ethnic networks are, the harder it is for politicians to polarize the community even if it may be in their political interest to do so. [37] Some political scientists such as Stroschein contend that ethnofederalism, or federalism determined along ethnic lines, is "asymmetric" as opposed to the equal devolution of power found in non-ethnic federal states, such as the United States. [51][52], Other scholars, such as Clarke, argue that the successful implementation of NTA rests on the acknowledgement in a state of "universal" principles: true Rule of Law, established human rights, stated guarantees to minorities and their members to use their own quotidien language, religion, and food practices, and a framework of anti-discrimination legislation in order to enforce these rights.

[7], "Race Wars" redirects here. [55] Furthermore, the challenge in evaluating the efficacy of NTA lies in the relatively few legal implementations of NTA.

It publishes over 2,500 books a year for distribution in more than 200 countries. [year needed][who? Switzerland is often characterized as a successful consociationalist state. This final criterion differentiates ethnic conflict from other forms of struggle.[1][2]. The causes of ethnic conflict are debated by political scientists and sociologists. This is because many more links are needed to connect everyone, and therefore it is much more difficult to form and strengthen inter-ethnic ties. For example, Ashutosh Varshney, in his study of ethnic violence in India, argues that strong inter-ethnic engagement in villages often disincentivizes politicians from stoking ethnic violence for electoral gain. In The Geography of Ethnic Violence, Monica Duffy Toft shows how ethnic group settlement patterns, socially constructed identities, charismatic leaders, issue indivisibility, and state concern with precedent setting can lead rational actors to escalate a dispute to violence, even when doing so is likely to leave contending groups much worse off. [13] Patronage politics and ethnic politics eventually reinforce each other, leading to what Chandra terms a "patronage democracy". [13] Instrumentalists theorists especially emphasize this interpretation in ethnic states in which one ethnic group is promoted at the expense of other ethnicities. In democratizing societies, this could lead to ethnic outbidding and lead to extreme politicians pushing out moderate co-ethnics. [6] Moreover, it discriminates against those who do not choose to define their identity on an ethnic or communal basis. In the power sharing agreement, each group has veto powers to varying degrees, dependent on the particular state. URL: /core/journals/journal-of-modern-african-studies. [55] Moreover, no individual can be forced to adhere, identify, or emphasize a particular identity (such as race, gender, sexuality, etc.) Gagnon this was the case in the former Yugoslavia and its disintegration into its ethnic federal states. To answer this question, Cultural Survival has, for this issue of the Quarterly, invited distinguished scholars from all over the world to analyze ethnic conflicts in every corner of the globe. View all Google Scholar citations Ethnicity, Military Patronage, and Soldier Rebellion, Ethnic Armies and Political Instability in Africa. The presidents take turns acting as the forefront executive in terms of 8 months for 4 years.

Its main emphasis is on current issues in African politics, economies, societies and international relations.

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